The fact that Mahsa Amini, who lived in the Kurdistan province, was visiting Tehran at the time of her death caused the protests to be particularly intense in Iran’s predominantly Kurdish areas.

Even though Tehran supports Türkiye’s fight against the terrorist organization PKK on the official level, it makes different engagements in practice.

Tehran's problems with the West, led by the USA and the absence of expected support from the East, has been caught unprepared for the recent regional developments.

The Yazidi existential crisis and return dilemma continues amidst the geopolitical security burdens and the lack of efficient government-led national reconciliation.

The intra-PMF rivalries are not limited by the theological schism between Najaf and Qom’s schools of thought.

By managing regional relations, Al-Kadhimi should give hope to the wider public about the increasing socioeconomic problems in Iraq.

Turkey should not expect other parties to understand and support responses to its own security threats. If Turkey enters into the field in Syria by using its hard power, this may change the game in its favor.

With U.S. President Donald Trump’s unilateral withdrawal from the nuclear deal signed between Iran and the P5+1 countries in May 2018, Iran’s nuclear activities have moved to the top of the international agenda again.

Growing Saudi-Israeli ties and as a result better ties between the Gulf States and Tel Aviv indicate that Iran’s security buffer might be compromised.

From Ankara’s perspective, Iranian cooperation in operations against the PKK is key and Turkey’s determination to work with Tehran to strangle the Kurdish group is on display.

Evidently, both Assad and Iran’s Supreme Leader sought to exploit Assad’s visit to convey an indubitable message, which is “the success of the axis of resistance” in Syria.

It is possible to say that the US has never had an impressive strategy towards the Kurds, which are scattered in four countries: Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria.